I wrote this query to the FCDO Office two months ago, on 19th November 2025, through the charity WhatDoTheyKnow which puts Freedom of Information requests on behalf of individuals to any public body in the UK. I made the request for more specific information because of the very unsatisfactory answer Chris Elmore MP (who has responsibility for Human Rights in the FCDO) gave in the UK Parliament when Bobby Dean MP asked “whether [the FCDO] is taking steps to help support independent election observation in Uganda before its next General Election in 2026”.

This answer, given by Chris Elmore in Parliament, is weak and vague and is, essentially, passing the buck: ‘Our High Commission in Kampala will aim to conduct local observation of the election, in consultation with relevant stakeholders, including the Electoral Commission of Uganda. The UK also provides financial support to the African Union via the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa and to the Commonwealth Secretariat, which can support election observation.’

I asked: “Is this really all the UK Government intends to do about the ongoing election corruption, repression, abductions, illegal detentions, torture and even deaths which the main non-violent NUP and FDC opposition parties and their supporters are continuing to experience? ACTION IS NEEDED NOW, not just vague aims for the future. The persecution of the Opposition is intensifying as campaigning continues in the run-up to the Presidential and Parliamentary Elections due on 15th January 2026.

“Who does the BHC in Kampala communicate with directly? What are they saying to the leaders of the de facto military regime? What does the FCDO believe that challenging them and accepting platitudes is achieving? What evidence of improvements is there? What ACTION has the UK Government taken, through the BHC or other means, to challenge (for example) the abduction in Kenya (over a year ago) of Dr Kizza Besigye and his ensuing illegal detention without trial?

“With less than two months to the Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in Uganda, the Electoral Commission are removing Opposition candidates in various illegal ways as well as abducting and torturing supporters. Since Uganda is an ex-Protectorate, Britain has a particular responsibility to lead the way by TAKING ACTION NOW.

“Aiming ‘to conduct local observation of the election’ (as stated in Chris Elmore’s reply) is too little, too late.

“The gross misconduct and corruption of Uganda’s Electoral Commission has been going on for weeks already, enabling NRM candidates to be elected unopposed NOW, long before the elections. It has been claimed that: “The electoral commission seems to have opened floodgates. If you can manage to convince (bribe) just one person among those who nominated your opponent to go to the Electoral Commission and deny ever signing [the nomination] for him/her, the EC will simply disqualify your opponent and you go unopposed.” I have also been hearing of opposition candidates who have withdrawn. And one NUP (opposition) candidate went missing on her way to register her candidature, only to reappear a few days later wearing yellow (Museveni’s NRM party colours) and saying she had changed parties. I call that suspicious.

“How is the BHC monitoring the situation and reporting back daily to the FCDO? What ACTION is taking place? The UK Government already has blood on its hands because of inaction (even collusion) in the past. What is the Labour Government doing differently?

“Uganda is a de facto military regime. It has been estimated that Museveni is responsible for at least 1 million extra-judicial deaths in 40 years, more than any other African leader!  He has held onto power this long as a result of changing the Constitution, many corrupt elections and violent oppression. What has the UK Government actually done about this in the past?”

I also wrote directly to Yvette Cooper (UK Foreign Secretary) and Chris Elmore, sending a copy to my own MP. I have had no direct responses although, because my MP had also forwarded my letter to Yvette Cooper, I eventually received a reply today (not direct but through my MP) which was written yesterday (14th January 2026).

Once again, I find the reply (from Jenny Chapman, Baroness of Darlington and UK Minister for International Development and Africa) extremely disappointing as it lacks any significant action. It also makes me believe (as many Ugandans do) that the UK (and some other “western” countries) is not taking action because it is very likely that it is supporting Museveni and his regime for ulterior motives which serve our own interests, with little (or no) concern for human rights and democracy in Uganda itself.

Here is the letter, interspersed with some of the questions it raises for me (which I will follow up) in purple font.

“The UK’s partnership with Uganda supports prosperity, security and democracy. The British High Commission in Kampala (BHC) meets regularly with the Ugandan Government, political parties, security agencies, and civil society. We have consistently raised concerns about restrictions on political space, allegations of arbitrary detentions, and violations of human rights. (What evidence, I want to ask, is there that these conversations have had any impact? How does the UK Government assess what, if any, influence it has on the de facto military regime?)

“As your constituent notes, Uganda will hold presidential and parliamentary elections on 15 January 2026. As part of our work in country, the BHC is actively engaged across the political spectrum to advocate for peaceful and credible elections (How has the effectiveness of the UK’s advocacy been measured? How do they record and evaluate the thousands of cases of apparent human rights violations?) The UK intends to conduct local observation of the election, in collaboration with other Missions.  (How many of 50,739 polling stations throughout Uganda did the BHC actually send observers to? Was the number enough to be able to assess the legitimacy of the elections throughout Uganda?) The UK provides financial support to the African Union via the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa, as well as to the Commonwealth Secretariat, which can support election observation. The BHC has also provided human rights training to the Uganda Police Force and Uganda People’s Defence Force and meets regularly with Ugandan security agencies to advocate for human rights compliant approaches to security (In view of the alarming reports of 100s, even 1000s, of cases of intimidation, violence, abductions and even deaths, not just during the current election campaign period but over the past 15 years, how has the effectiveness of this training been assessed?)

“We do not speculate on future sanctions as to do so would reduce their impact. However, we keep all sanctions under review.

Peaceful and credible elections are in the interest of all Ugandans, as they underpin stability and economic growth. The UK will continue to use its voice—both publicly and privately—to advocate for respect for democratic principles and human rights. The UK remains committed to supporting inclusive democratic processes in Uganda and to engaging constructively with all stakeholders during the election period. Please thank your constituent on my behalf for their interest in this important issue.” (Words and commitments without effective actions are sadly not good enough, especially when Ugandans are saying that they have not experienced any improvement in their human rights, nor in the integrity of the judiciary, nor in the crippling levels of corruption at every level. What measures will the UK government take to: (1) assess the effectiveness of their interventions in Uganda; (2) with whom will they consult about future actions and policies; (3) what measures will be taken to review, revise and control UK government and business investments and trade deals with Museveni’s NRM government; and (4) how will the UK become more responsible and accountable to the British public for the way in which UK funds are used. monitored and evaluated in Uganda?)

Once again, Baroness Chapman’s response is “Too little, too late” – with ongoing tragic consequences.